Principles for Renewed National Dynamism in the Post-Trump and Post-Neoliberal Era

A mandate and policy agenda for rebuilding American capacity after the neoliberal era after an anticipated crash in early 2027.

In response to RAND's report on declining national dynamism:

https://www.rand.org/pubs/research_reports/RRA2611-3.html

I have released a recommended policy charter.

The Epstein Commission

https://docsend.com/v/x3gfv/epsteincommission

Principles for Renewed National Dynamism

https://docsend.com/v/x3gfv/agendaforreneweddynamismvers2

Pillar 1: Housing and Shelter

https://docsend.com/v/x3gfv/pillar1v2

Pillar 2: Health and Society

https://docsend.com/v/x3gfv/pillar2v2

Pillar 3: Work and Ownership

https://docsend.com/v/x3gfv/pillar3v2

Pillar 4: Production and Trade

https://docsend.com/v/x3gfv/pillar4v2

Pillar 5: Science and Knowledge

https://docsend.com/v/x3gfv/pillar5v2

Pillar 6: Justice and Sovereignty

https://docsend.com/v/x3gfv/pillar6v2

The typical American is shackled or squeezed by forces beyond their immediate control they have little context for and decisions they had no part in making. When the people are treated as a disease to be cured rather than as a value to cultivate, that is a sign of a profoundly sick society.

Foreign policy, trade, commitments, and institutions must be re-examined after the Trump era to rebuild international credibility and strengthen the real economy rather than replace it.

For a long time, Millennials and Gen Z have especially felt a squeeze in the United States. From both sides of the political spectrum, there has been rhetoric designed to squeeze young people from both angles and delegitimize their concerns and inability to obtain a standard of living reminiscent of previous generations. The state and corporations have become a revolving door. The rhetoric and linguistic content from both political parties is equivalent but from inverted perspectives and neither contains what is actually needed:

From the Democratic party they are squeezed. You are assumed to have inherited unearned power or privilege, and the life-script of security and upward mobility is not yours to claim without apology, and claims to it are met with silencing and tone policing. A stable job, a nuclear family household, the stability to build long term relationships, and the expectation that one should be able to afford it with the social support systems to facilitate this are treated as privilege or toxic expectation to be deconstructed rather than as something institutions should aim to be built and available. Wanting them is problematic and you have not done the work and have not "earned" it and thus need to spend years in stagnant jobs to work your way up in corporate or government hierarchies; having them means you should step back. The desire is the problem. Alienation is medicalized in a for-profit healthcare system and all aspects of relationships and life are financialized as contractual. Repent by relativizing the desire and relinquishing the role. A woman's ability to choose to opt out is emphasized as a personal decision when polling consistently shows both men and women would like to have kids and own homes when given the opportunity but opt out due to socioeconomic anxiety rather than the narrative from the Democratic party that this is mostly due to cultural pressures. Rhetoric about climate change, pandemics, inclusivity/identity (which exploded immediately after Occupy Wall Street), etc can be used as proxies to avoid conversations about class and socioeconomic conditions (for example, Sam Altman explicitly appealed to climate change to rationalize replacing people with data centers - claiming that data centers would consume less energy than raising people to the age of 20).

From the Republican party they are squeezed. The same life-script is a test you are already failing, and you inherit original sin. If you do not have the job, the family, the house, the frame, that is a moral failing and a result of laziness or lack of work ethics or attitude even when they are structurally impossible for large segments of the population. One must repent continually for forces largely out of one's control and for failing to meet standards one would like to meet but are structurally excluded from or which require extreme social alienation which is framed as an individual choice to avoid accountability of leaders and institutions. There is tone policing and silencing of dissent, and any complaint is treated as "ungratefulness." Rules are hoisted onto Millennials and Gen Z that leaders and older generations do not or did not abide by to get ahead. Aspects of human connections are financialized in contractual ways or pathologized as a spiritual or moral dilemma. Rhetoric about security, terrorism, competitiveness in narrow domains internationally at the expense of immediate public needs, and morality can be used as proxies to avoid conversations about class or socioeconomic conditions and to concentrate wealth and power (such as the longtermist view to concentrate capital into AI investments at the cost of the real economy to "compete with China" sacrificing the immediate needs of the public and the real economy for this moving goalpost).

Happyroadkill webcomic illustrates the dual inverted semiotic functions of government and corprate power.

The political parties invert rhetoric between themselves as control systems to squeeze individuals between a narrow band of acceptable discourse which excludes real change that is needed.

Stabilizing a society at scale to maintain power hierarchies is much like quantizing gravity - it is a task to balance aggregate needs with individual conditions which are not easily reconciled. Both the right and the left act as control systems that squeeze individuals.

Beyond a crossover point (the "technological singularity") institutional cybernetics control loops like political parties and AI systems will fail to stabilize the public which could result in institutional collapse or destabilization. Increasing control produces marginal returns until controls fail and too much entropy accrues within institutions.

Balancing aggregate needs and demands with circumstances of individuals with control loops in a societies is much like an ourborus.

In late stage societies subjected to financialization of the real economy social capital can become flattened resulting in extreme political polarization.

Beyond a catastrophe point there could be a fold in the political spectrum which corresponds with the "technological singularity" crossover. At this point all social capital is flattened which results in conditions of anarchy and susceptibility towards totalitarianism, imperialist wars of expansion, or internal revolutions and civil unrest.